A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 1 (of 2) by Lynn Thorndike

vol. V. [2030] R. Ganschinietz, _Hippolytos’ Capitel gegen die Magier_, 1913, in TU, 39, 2, is a commentary on the text. [2031] _Refutation of All Heresies_, IV, 28. [2032] Since writing this sentence I have found an article by Diels on the discovery of alcohol in _Societas Regia Scientiarum, Abhandl. Philos.-Hist. Classe_, Berlin, 1913, in which he argues from this passage in Hippolytus that the discovery was made in the Alexandrian period and that it reached western Europe again only through the Arabs about the twelfth century, since alcohol is not mentioned in the older Schlettstadt version of the _Mappae clavicula_. If this be so, Adelard of Bath was perhaps the first to introduce it from the Arabs or the orient, although Diels does not say so. [2033] _Refutation of All Heresies_, IV, 29-41. [2034] In some places the text is illegible. [2035] Cap. 105. [2036] Leo Allatius “in syntagmate” _De engastrimytho_, cap. 7; Sulpicius Severus, _Historia sacra_, liber I; Anastasius Antiochenus, Ὁδηγός, quaest., 112; “et eorum quos laudat Bellarminus liber IV _de Christo_, cap. 11.” [2037] Περὶ τῆς ἐγγαστριμύθου, PG, XLV, 107-14. [2038] Migne, PG, XVIII, 613-74. [2039] The King James version, First Samuel, XXVIII, 19, reads, “and to morrow shalt thou and thy sons be with me,” instead of “thou and Jonathan.” [2040] Migne, PG, XII, 143-74. [2041] Migne, PG, LVI, 61, _et seq._ [2042] Migne, PG, LVI, 637, _et seq._ _Homily_ II, “Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum quod Chrysostomi nomine circumfertur.” _Ibid._, 602, _et seq._, for opinions of various past writers as to its authenticity. [2043] Migne, PG, LX, 274-5, in the 38th homily on the Book of Acts. [2044] On the other hand, D. Friedrich Münter, _Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi_, Kopenhagen, 1827, adopted the astrological theory that the star of Bethlehem was really a major conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Pisces, which Jewish tradition, too, seems to have regarded as the sign of the Messiah, and that therefore Jesus was born in 6 B. C. This view had already been advanced by Kepler, but recent writers seem to prefer a conjunction in Aries: see H. G. Voigt, _Die Geschichte Jesu und die Astrologie_, Leipzig, 1911; Kritzinger, _Der Stern der Weisen_, Gütersloh, 1911; von Oefele, _Die Angaben der Berliner Planetentafel P8279 verglichen mit der Geburtsgeschichte Christi im Berichte des Matthäus_, Berlin, 1903, in _Mitteil. d. Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_. [2045] Mâle, _Religious Art in France_, 1913, p. 208, was not able to trace the legend that the star of the Magi appeared with the face of a child beyond _The Golden Legend_ compiled by James of Voragine in the thirteenth century. We shall, however, find it mentioned in the twelfth century by Abelard, who derived it from this spurious homily of Chrysostom. [2046] They are twice so represented on the elaborately carved Christian sarcophagus in the museum at Syracuse, Sicily, where also the manger, ox, and ass are shown (compare note 4 below). [2047] Hugo Kehrer, _Die Heiligen drei Könige in Litteratur und Kunst_, Leipzig, 1908, 2 vols. An earlier work on the three Magi is Inchofer, _Tres Magi Evangelici_, Rome, 1639. [2048] J. C. Thilo, _Eusebii Alexandrini oratio_ Περὶ ἀστρονόμων (_praemissa de magis et stella quaestione_) _e Cod. Reg. Par. primum edita_, Progr. Halae, 1834. [2049] A. Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1899, p. 611, “La royauté des Mages fut inventée (vers le VIe siècle), comme la crèche (_sic!_ see Luke, II, 12 and 16), le bœuf et l’âne pour montrer l’accomplissement des prophéties.” [2050] _Religious Art in France_, 1913, p. 214 note, following, I presume, Kehrer’s work, as he does on p. 213. [2051] For detailed references see Münter, _Der Stern der Weisen_, 1827, p. 15; and Bouché-Leclercq, 1899, p. 611, where they are stated somewhat differently. [2052] _Comm. in Platonis Timaeum_, II, vi, 125; quoted by Münter (1827), pp. 27-8. [2053] BN 16819, fol. 49r. Corpus Christi 134, early 12th century, fol. 1 v., has a brief “Magorum trium qui Domino Infanti aurum obtulere nomina et descriptio.” [2054] Cotton Galba E, VIII, 15th century, fols. 3-28, Fabulosa narratio de tribus magis qui Christum adorarunt sive de tribus regibus Coloniensibus. [2055] Cap. 12 in the 1478 edition. [2056] _Ibid._, cap. 34. [2057] At Munich all the following MSS are 15th century: CLM 18621, fol. 135, _Liber trium regum_, fol. 215, _Legenda trium regum excerpta ex praecedenti_; 19544, fols. 314-49, and 26688, fols. 157-92, _Laudes et gesta trium regum_, etc.; 21627, fols. 212-31, _Historia de tribus regibus_; 23839, fols. 112-37, and 24571, fols. 50-104, _Gesta trium regum_; 25073, fols. 260-83, _de nativitate domini et de tribus regibus_. At Berlin MSS 799 and 800, both of the 15th century, have the _Gesta trium regum_ ascribed to John of Hildesheim. So Wolfenbüttel 3266, anno 1461. The printed edition of 1478 in 46 chapters and about 30 folios is also ascribed to John of Hildesheim. We read on the binding, “Ioannis Hildeshemensis Liber de trium regum translatione.” The Incipit is: “Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac domino domino florencio de weuelkouen divina providencia monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo.” The colophon is: “Liber de gestis ac trina beatissimorum trium regum translacione ... per me Johannem guldenschoff de moguncia.” Some other MSS, also of the 15th century, are: Vatic. Palat. Lat. 859, de gestis et translationibus trium regum, and at Oxford, University College 33, Liber collectus de gestis et translationibus sanctorum trium regum de Colonia; Laud Misc., 658, The history of the three kings of Cologne, in forty-one chapters with a preface. It is thus seen that the number of chapters varies. Coxe’s catalogue of the Laud MSS states that the Latin original was printed at Cologne in quarto in 1481, and that it is very different from the version printed by Wynkyn de Worde. “The Story of the Magi,” in Bodleian (Bernard) 2325, covers only folio 68. At Amiens is a MS which the catalogue dates in the 14th century and ascribes to John of Hildesheim, and its Incipit is practically that of the printed edition: Amiens 481, fols. 1-58, “Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac domino domino Florentino de Wovellonem (_sic_) divina providencia Monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo. Cum venerandissimorum trium Magorum, ymo verius trium Regum.” The work ends in the MS with the words, “... summi Regis servant legem incole Colonie. Amen. Explicit hystoria.” [2058] BN 16819, 10th century, fols. 46r-49r. [2059] Marco Polo (I, 13-14, ed. Yule and Cordier, 1903, vol. I, 78-81), who located the Magi in Saba, Persia, recounts further legends concerning them and their gifts. See also F. W. K. Müller, _Uigurica_, I, i, _Die Anbetung der Magier, ein Christliches Bruchstück_, Berlin, 1908. [2060] Beazley, _Dawn of Modern Geography_, I, 274, says, “Augustine and Chrysostom felt and spoke in the same way, though in more measured language, and nearly all early Christian writers who touched upon the matter did so to echo the voice of authorities so unquestioned.” But I cannot agree with this statement. He goes on to imply that a majority of the fathers, like Cosmas Indicopleustes, attacked the belief in the sphericity of the earth; but here, too, I wonder if he is not following Letronne, _Des Opinions Cosmographiques des Pères_, without having examined the citations. Certainly no such attitude is found in Basil’s _Hexaemeron_, Hom. 3 and 9 as the citation implies. I have not seen Marinelli, _La geographia e i Padri della Chiesa, estratto dal Bollettino della Società geografica italiana_, anno 1882, pp. 11-15. [2061] _Divin. Instit._, III, 24. [2062] Migne, PG, vol. 29; PN, vol. 8. [2063] Duhem (1914) II, 394, however, prefers Gregory of Nyssa’s work as “à la fois plus sobre, plus concis, et plus philosophique....” [2064] Homily I was delivered in the morning, II in the evening; III was in the morning and speaks of a coming evening address. At the close of Homily VII Basil urges his hearers to talk over at their evening meal what they have heard this morning and this evening. If we regard Homily VI as the morning address referred to, we shall have Homily V left to cover an entire day. Homily VI, however, is the longest of the nine. In any case Homily VIII is clearly preached in the morning, and IX at evening. [2065] Bk. II, caps. 10-17. [2066] _Epistola 65, ad Pammachium._ Augustine’s _De Genesi ad litteram_, which Cassiodorus (_Institutes_, I, 1) esteemed above the commentaries of Basil and Ambrose upon Genesis, is a somewhat similar work, but, after a briefer treatment of the work of creation, continues to comment on the text up to Adam’s expulsion from Paradise. [2067] Migne, PL, 14, 131-2. The most recent edition of the _Hexaemeron_ of Ambrose is by C. Schenkl. Vienna, 1896. [2068] Fialon, _Étude sur St. Basile_, 1869, p. 296. [2069] Homily IX. [2070] For example, in the catalogue, published in 1744, of MSS in the then Royal Library at Paris there are listed five copies of Eustathius’ Latin translation, dating from the ninth to the fourteenth century—2200, 4; 1701, 1; 1702, 1; 1787A, 2; 2633, 1; and fifteen copies of the _Hexaemeron_ of Ambrose—1718; 1702, 2; 1719 to 1727 inclusive; 2387, 4; 2637 and 2638. I have not noted what MSS of the _Hexaemerons_ of Basil and Ambrose are found in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries. Some other medieval copies of Basil’s in Latin translation are: BN 12134, 9th century Lombard hand; Vendôme 122, 11th century, fols. 1 v-60; Soissons 121, 12th century, fol. 97, Eustathius’ prologue and a part of his translation; Grenoble 258, 12th century, fols. 1-45, “Eustathii translatio....” The _Hexaemeron_ of Ambrose, since written originally in Latin, is naturally found oftener. The oldest MS is said to be CU Corpus Christi 193, large Lombard script of the 8th century which closely resembles BN